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BUILDING A PEACE AND JUSTICE MOVEMENT
IN THE NEW AGE OF EMPIRE
By Harry Targ
April 16, 2003
email posted by permission
In the aftermath of the February 15 massive
worldwide mobilization against US war in Iraq,
activists aptly borrowed the metaphor of the “two
superpowers” from New York Times reporter Patrick
Tyler. One superpower was United States imperialism;
the other, the power of the people.
While the two superpower thesis remains
appropriate today, we need to develop its content and
ground the contesting powers in their material
realities. First, we need to clarify the connections
between U.S. capitalism, global conquest, and visions
of empire. Second, we need to discern whether the
imperial superpower is homogeneous or riddled with
factional disagreements that can be used for our
purposes. For example, we need to discover where
multinational corporations and international
financiers stand, whether the oil and/or military
industries are driving the doctrine of preemption, and
which, if any, sectors of the ruling class regard
unilateralism, globalism, and militarism as a threat
to global trade, production, investment and
speculation.
As to the anti-imperial superpower, we must
understand it to consist of nations, masses of workers
all across the face of the globe, and representatives
of a large range of religious, labor, women's,
environmental and other groups from civil society.
Nations are part of the bloc because of the
momentous mass mobilizations of their citizens to
say no to war. It was extraordinary to see poor
and vulnerable countries such as Cameroons or
Angola, and traditional subordinates of the United
States, Chile and Mexico, reject US pressure to
support war in the United Nations Security
Council.
Most importantly, the second superpower is
represented by what was perhaps the largest global
protest in human history. All indications are that
with the launching of war in March, the steadfast
opposition has grown in size and militancy.
In the United States protests have occurred in
hundreds of cities and towns; city councils in over
160 cities have passed resolutions against war; and
every church denomination but the Southern Baptists
have said "no" to war. It is true that when war
started the "rally round the flag" phenomena kicked
in: 70 percent of the people supported President
Bush's action. However, just before the war started
about half of the U.S. people supported giving the
weapons inspectors more time to do their job.
Furthermore, support for the war has been more
likely among those who believe that there was a
connection between Iraq and the 9/11 terrorist attacks
on U.S. targets. Party differences are stark in
reference to war: Republicans support the Bush war
on Iraq about 20 to 30 percent more than
Democrats. Finally, people are scared. They are
scared of terrorism, of job loss, of economic
depression, of devalued pensions. Some worry
about being arrested for conduct defined as
criminal by the Patriot Act. In fact, currently we
live in a culture that promotes fear.
What can be done to nourish and expand the
movement for peace and justice? A consensus seems to
be emerging in the peace movement that over the
next several months, perhaps years, grassroots
organizing-networking across neighborhoods,
churches, union locals, and civic groups-will be
central. In the U.S. one-third to 40 percent of the
population probably supports war and the Bush
foreign policy agenda. Perhaps one-third are
inalterably opposed. This leaves another third
undecided, confused, or marginally supportive of
the war on Iraq. The target of grassroots work
must be to bring the undecided people into the
peace and justice camp. Perhaps what will
drive them into the anti-war camp will be fiscal
crises at state and local levels, economic stagnation
and job loss, the dismantling of our meager health
care system, the continued marginalization of public
schools, and crumbling infrastructure all around
nation. People should be reminded of the fact that
while economic crisis grows by the days and weeks,
the administration increases defense spending to
a record $400 billion and plans to cut taxes on the
rich.
Over the next 18 months, this grassroots
mobilization must also confront people with the
realities of electoral democracy. While President Bush
was not really elected president in 2000, he could be
elected in 2004. Peace movement goals must include
regime change in Washington.
Finally, mass mobilization must be animated by
the vision of vibrant international institutions that
could represent the "peoples” interests. The United
Nations, usually a reflection of the distribution of
power in the world, can be made to represent the
people of the world. Particularly, the UN General
Assembly, where all nations have only one vote, can
be made viable as it was in the 1960s and 1970s
when the U.S. and the Soviet Union were
competing for the "hearts and minds" of the newly
independent nations. Also the peace movement
should direct its solidarity to the Group of 77, the
movement of non-aligned nations who seek social
and economic development in a world at peace.
During various periods in its history, the Group of
77 has stood up against the forces of global
capitalism. The peace movement should stand
with the Group of 77 today.
In sum, these are the best of times and the
worst of times. We have built a worldwide peace
movement of historic proportions. However, Iraq
was bombed to destruction.TheBush/Cheney/Rumsfeld
neoconservative wing of the ruling class wants to bomb some more
(maybe Iran, or Syria, or North Korea or even Cuba).
Our task is to stop the next war. This will take
grassroots organizing, building global solidarity, and
mobilizing for peoples' power in the United Nations.
This may be our last chance to build a peaceful and
just world.
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